Saturday, August 14, 2010

Due Process for All

By Siesta-friendly

No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal protection of the laws.[1]

If only everybody would find these words as precious as their own lives, liberties, and properties.  For from these words do we go out and return home in peace.   

Thus, it is maddening to hear criticisms against those who denounce the police force’s apparent lack of respect for due process in subduing their suspects.  Why people find it acceptable that extralegal means can be used to fight crime indicates a chilling lack of respect for every person’s fundamental rights.    

The latest example is that of the killing of suspected carnapping syndicate leader Ivan Padilla.  Padilla was finally caught after an alleged shootout.  News cameramen arrived on the scene and the police called their attention to presumably film the wounded Ivan then sitting at the back of a police van.  A remarkable scene considering Ivan had just been shot in the head.  The film showed he was, however, still conscious and able to answer his name when asked.  After the very short “news interview”, the van left.  30 minutes later, Padilla was left alone in a hospital 15 minutes away from the “shootout” scene. Within 10 minutes, he was declared dead.  The death certificate signed by the Makati Health Department and funeral officials stated his death was due to “asphyxia as a result of blunt force to the throat.”[2]

From the “alleged” shootout, the lack of care in handling a seriously wounded suspect, the delay in bringing to the hospital the suspect who’d been shot, the cause of death coming out of nowhere, the police actions surrounding the arrest and death of Ivan Padilla raise suspicions.

But why don’t we just celebrate the death of a serial carnapper, a scourge of society, instead of question the police’s actions?  Because without due process, where evidence are laid out and the accused is given the opportunity to defend himself and refute the evidence against him, the fact of the crime and the guilt of the criminal are left to the discretion of government authorities.  Think of all the extrajudicial killings - of farmers, laborers and students – allegedly made by the military in their fight against “insurgents”.  Without due process, the number of our extrajudicial killings would increase and shame the Khmer Rouge.

Without due process, all that law enforcement forces need is the belief that a crime has been committed, that the suspects committed it and the suspect needs to be eliminated.  We might as well abolish the courts.

Without due process, law enforcers can easily claim “shootouts” in neutralizing suspects and no one can make law enforcers accountable for their lapses or excesses or outright lies during these encounters. 

With no respect for due process, Engr. Alfonso De Vera’s SUV was shot 84 times with 24 shots concentrated on the vehicle's windshield and bumper as the SUV ended at the tail end of a vehicle convoy of bank robbers the Philippine National Police’s Highway Patrol Group had just then intercepted and engaged in a shootout.  After alighting from his SUV to carry his 7-year old daughter to safety, the police pursued, shot and killed him and his daughter.  Engr. De Vera and his daughter, Lia, were among 6 innocent bystanders killed in the encounter.[3]  Engr. De Vera and his daughter were both shot in the head.[4]  

In the case of the De Veras, the Commission on Human Rights found that the police violated the Police Operational Procedures including Rule 8 which states: “Moving vehicles may not be fired upon solely to disable them. The driver or other occupant of a moving motor vehicle may be fired upon if the police have probable cause to believe that the suspects pose an imminent danger of death to the police or other persons.”[5]   With no apparent threat coming from the De Veras, the sole assumption by the police that the De Veras were robbers sealed their deaths.

Unforgettable and heartbreaking, the killing of the De Veras is distressingly only one of many instances of the acute disregard of government authorities for fundamental human rights.

These days, shootouts are not that uncommon in the Philippines.  Are our criminals that violent or are our law enforcers just undisciplined?  How many among the victims of law enforcers are totally innocent?  How many shootouts are actually rubouts? Without due process, we wouldn’t know.

It is a truism that it is better that the courts acquit ten guilty men than mistakenly imprison one innocent man.   A verdict of guilty as passed by the courts is subject to appeal.  But before it is issued, the evidence is heard.  A verdict of guilty from the barrel of a gun is final and unappealable.  Nothing is heard except the wails of the bereaved. 



[1]  Sec. 1, Art III, 1987 Constitution
[2]  Chr to probe padilla's death; mom suspects rubout . (2010, August 4). Retrieved from http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/08/04/10/padillas-family-urges-chr-probe-ivans-death
[3]  Dizon , N. (2009, January 7). Only cops could have killed de veras . Retrieved from http://www.inquirer.net/specialreports/paranaqueshootout/view.php?db=1&article=20090107-182002
[4]  A Letter from lilian de vera. (2009, March 17). Retrieved from http://www.filipinowriter.com/a-letter-from-lilian-de-vera
[5]  Kwok, A, & Dizon, N. (2010, January 11). Charge cops in death of 16 in paraƱaque shootout—chr . Retrieved from http://www.inquirer.net/specialreports/paranaqueshootout/view.php?db=1&article=20100111-246713

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Sunday, August 8, 2010

EYES VS NAYS (Eyewitnesses vs. The Department of Justice)

By Siesta-friendly


The Department of Justice (at least, the DOJ under the Arroyo administration) has been involved in 2 (as far as we know) fatal decisions under the Witness Protection, Security and Benefit Program (RA 6981).   We’ve talked about the rights and benefits available to a witness under the Witness Protection, Security and Benefit Program (pursuant to RA 6981) in this post, but now we discuss how these may actually work against the witnesses’ own protection, security and benefit with the “help” of the DOJ.

Being taken out of the Witness Protection Program

One of the rights and benefits of the witness under the Program is “[T]o have a secure housing facility until he has testified or until the threat, intimidation or harassment disappears or is reduced to a manageable or tolerable level.” (Section 8)  Thus, the witness can be released when the DOJ determines that “the threat, intimidation or harassment disappears or is reduced to a manageable or tolerable level.”

But, unless the accused, his family members, his gang, his influence, power and money disappear (also die), how can the threat, intimidation or harassment ever disappear or be reduced to a manageable or tolerable level.”?  Even if trial ends, a rich and powerful incarcerated convict is no less rich and powerful.  Basically, only his travel, food and lodgings are limited. 

Let’s take the actual experience of Katherine De Leon and her co-witness, Kelly delos Santos -

“A notice that she was no longer in the witness protection program was issued by then Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera on Feb. 12 [2010] who informed her that with the case submitted for promulgation, the threats to her life had been reduced to "a manageable level."

It took effect on March 1.

De Leon is one of the two witnesses in the murder of Kasuyuki Harashina, a Japanese businessman who was gunned down in front of a restaurant at the corner of Mabini and Arquisa Streets in Ermita.

She and Kelly delos Santos were admitted to the witness protection program in July 2007 on the request of Japanese Embassy chief consul Ken Jiendo.

Delos Santos, however, was killed three months after she and De Leon were taken out of the witness protection program.

xxx

[T]here was also an attempt to kill her on June 11 in Paco, Manila where she hid a week after Delos Santos’ death.

“They (armed men) shot me and hit me in the neck. I was bleeding badly but I stayed down, making them believe that they had shot me in the head. The gunmen left when they heard people coming and I took myself to a hospital,” De Leon said.

“I have lost everything and my life is still under threat. I came forward as a witness... because I wanted justice for the victim,” she added.”[1]

Lowering the threshold for releasing a witness from the witness protection program to “until he has testified or until the threat, intimidation or harassment disappears or is reduced to a manageable or tolerable level” is no way protective of a witness as clearly shown by the above actual events.   Witnesses like Katherine De Leon and Kelly delos Santos deserve to be placed in a relocation program and definitely not released from protection.

Delay in taking in a witness into the program

Once a witness applies for protection under the program, the DOJ’s decision must be immediate, no more than 24 hours. 

If this were so, perhaps the killers of Suwaib Upham - who was involved in the massacre of 58 people in Maguindao province and a willing witness – could not have so easily found him.

Three months before [Suwaib Upham] was killed, Human Rights Watch had raised protection issues regarding Upham with Justice Department officials in Manila, yet the department was still considering his request for protection at the time of his killing.

"Massacre witnesses are dying while the government sits on its hands," said Elaine Pearson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Suwaib Upham took enormous personal risks by agreeing to testify against Ampatuan family members, yet the government, knowing full well he was in danger, did nothing. This sends the worst possible message to other witnesses thinking of coming forward."[2]

The DOJ’s illogical delay led to fatal results.  Compelling the DOJ to decide quickly may prevent future disastrous mistakes.

When they agree to testify, witnesses put their and their loved ones’ lives and futures at stake, especially in our country known for impunity and corruption. The DOJ’s early release of, and non-use of the relocation program for, innocent eyewitnesses Katherine De Leon and Kelly delos Santos is questionable to say the least. While denying protection to a co-conspirator willing to testify raises questions as well.

Perhaps it may actually be the Department of Justice that is the problem and not the witness protection program.  At least, making stricter rules might help cure the flaws of either.  The end we all seek is justice and one way to ensure it is to make it safer for witnesses willing to tell the truth.  When the government says no to the protection of a witness, it says no to justice as well.


Updated 09/21/11:
A reader, rosek112@gmail.com, wanted to share “10 Things You Didn’t Know About Witness Protection” which they posted on their own blog. Might be interesting to read.



[1]  Andrade, J. (2010, July 26). Witness taken out of protection program cries foul. Retrieved from http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/inquirerheadlines/metro/view/20100726-283304/Witness-taken-out-of-protection-program-cries-foul

[2]  Philippines: investigate killing of massacre witness. (2010, June 23). Retrieved from http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2010/06/23/philippines-investigate-killing-massacre-witness


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Sunday, August 1, 2010

OUT OF THE CLOSET INTO THE COURTS: The Gay Party List

By Obiter07

While this is a serious matter involving rights and representation, one cannot help but be amused to see the list of supporters for Ang Ladlad, which is composed of “lesbians, gays, bisexuals, or trans-gendered individuals.”  They sport names like, the   Aklan Butterfly Brigade (ABB), which should put to shame the violent ABB assassination group, the Boys Legion, Cagayan de Oro People Like Us or “CDO PLUS”,  Can’t Live in the Closet, Inc. or “CLIC”  and  Society of Transexual Women of the Philippines or “STRAP.” 

Ang Ladlad had filed a petition for registration as a party-list organization under Republic Act No. 7941.  The Petition was dismissed by the COMELEC on moral grounds, citing both the Bible and the Kuran:

“x x x This Petition is dismissible on moral grounds. Petitioner defines the Filipino Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Community, thus:

x x x a marginalized and under-represented sector that is particularly disadvantaged because of their sexual orientation and gender identity.
         
and proceeded to define sexual orientation as that which:

x x x refers to a person’s capacity for profound emotional, affectional and sexual attraction to, and intimate and sexual relations with, individuals of a different gender, of the same gender, or more than one gender.”

This definition of the LGBT sector makes it crystal clear that petitioner tolerates immorality which offends religious beliefs. In Romans 1:26, 27, Paul wrote:

For this cause God gave them up into vile affections, for even their women did change the natural use into that which is against nature: And likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one toward another; men with men working that which is unseemly, and receiving in themselves that recompense of their error which was meet.

In the Koran, the hereunder verses are pertinent:

For ye practice your lusts on men in preference to women “ye are indeed a people transgressing beyond bounds.” (7.81) “And we rained down on them a shower (of brimstone): Then see what was the end of those who indulged in sin and crime!” (7:84) “He said: “O my Lord! Help Thou me against people who do mischief” (29:30).”

The COMELEC likewise cited provisions of the New Civil and Revised Penal Codes on decency or morality and  good customs (Article 1306 and 1409, New Civil Code and Article 201, RPC).

Ang Ladlad filed a petition for certiorari with the Supreme Court which overturned the COMELEC’s rulings.  The High Court held that it is not a requirement that only the sectors enumerated in the party list law (RA 7941) are to be registered under the party list system.  Moreover, there was a violation of the prohibition against the establishment of a religion as provided for in Article III, Section 5 that “[n]o law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” There must be “government neutrality in religious matters.”  The COMELEC’s reliance on the Bible and the Koran to justify the exclusion of Ang Ladlad violated this prohibition.

There was likewise a violation of the equal protection clause by the COMELEC’S targeting of homosexuals “as a class, not because of any particular morally reprehensible act.”  And that the COMELEC made “an unwarranted and impermissible classification not justified by the circumstances of the case.”  The right to freedom of expression was likewise violated to the extent that the COMELEC’s action had precluded Ang Ladlad “from publicly expressing its views as a political party and participating on an equal basis in the political process with other equally-qualified party-list candidates xxx.”

Allowing Ang Ladlad’s registration is in consonance with the country’s international obligations to “protect and promote human rights” particularly the “principle of non-discrimination as it relates to the right to electoral participation, enunciated in the UDHR and the ICCPR.”

What the COMELEC sought to bar on moral grounds was allowed by the High Court on Constitutional grounds. It does not appear that Ang Ladlad won a seat during the recently concluded elections.  There is a joke that goes that the LGBT community is already well-represented anyway in Congress, except that no one wants to acknowledge his or her membership in this group. 

The right to participate in the elections was a hard-earned victory for the LGBT community.  And they might soon find themselves not only out of the closet and before the courts but in Congress as well.  Then we might just see one big coming out party, maybe even a parade to boot.

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Monday, July 26, 2010

TRENCHCOAT TO TURNCOAT (On Espionage)

By Obiter07

Codes, women spies, a disappearing act, this is the stuff movies are made of.   Assuming that the recent alleged Russian spying in the US occurred in the country, it may be interesting to find out if we have any laws in the statute books against such an activity. It turns out that we do, as provided for in the Revised Penal Code:

ARTICLE 117. Espionage. — The penalty of prision correccional shall be inflicted upon any person who:

1. Without authority therefor, enters a warship, fort, or naval or military establishment or reservation to obtain any information, plans, photographs, or other data of a confidential nature relative to the defense of the Philippine Archipelago; or

2. Being in possession, by reason of the public office he holds, of the articles, data, or information referred to in the preceding paragraph, discloses their contents to a representative of a foreign nation.
The penalty next higher in degree shall be imposed if the offender be a public officer or employee.

The law appears to be of limited application as it only pertains to data relative to the defenses of the country.  Fortunately, Commonwealth Act No. 616 (AN ACT TO PUNISH ESPIONAGE AND OTHER OFFENSES AGAINST THE NATIONAL SECURITY)  expands espionage to include certain other acts.  And to show how long it has been since we’ve had espionage as a crime, the Revised Penal Code and C.A. No. 616 (the “Act”) were passed in 1930 and 1941, respectively.  And the Act even makes mention of the United States!

C.A. NO. 616 adds the following as distinct acts of espionage and as offenses against national security:

SECTION 1.   Unlawfully obtaining or permitting to be obtained information affecting national defense. — (a) Whoever, for the purposes of obtaining information respecting the national defense with intent or reason to believe that the information to be obtained is to be used to the injury of the Philippines [or of the United States],[1] or to the advantage of any foreign nation, goes upon, enters, flies over, or otherwise obtains information concerning any vessel, aircraft, work of defense, navy yard, naval station, submarine base, coaling station, fort, battery, torpedo station, dockyard, canal, railroad, arsenal, camp, factory, mine, telegraph, telephone, wireless, or signal station, building, office, or other place connected with the national defense, owned or constructed, or in progress of construction by the Philippines or under the control of the Philippines, or any of its officers or agents, or within the exclusive jurisdiction of the Philippines, or any place in which any vessel, aircraft, arms, munitions, or other materials or instruments for the use in time of war are being made, prepared, repaired, or stored, under any contract or agreement with the Philippines, or with any person on behalf of the Philippines, or otherwise on behalf of the Philippines, or any prohibited place within the meaning of section six hereof;[2] or  

(b)        Whoever, for the purpose aforesaid, and with like intent or reason to believe, copies, takes, makes, or obtains, or attempts, or induces or aids another to copy, take, make, or obtain, any sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, document, writing, or note of anything connected with the national defense; or

(c)        Whoever, for the purpose aforesaid, receives or obtains or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another to receive or obtain from any person, or from any source whatever, any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note of anything connected with the national defense, knowing or having reason to believe, at the time he receives or obtains, or agrees or attempts or induces or aids another to receive or obtain it, that it has been or will be obtained, taken, made, or disposed of by any person contrary to the provisions of this Act; or

(d)       Whoever, lawfully or unlawfully having possession of, access to, control over, or being entrusted with any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating to the national defense, willfully communicates or transmits or attempts to communicate or transmit the same to any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains the same and fails to deliver it on demand to the officer or employee of the Philippines  entitled to receive it; or

e)        Whoever, being entrusted with or having lawful possession or control of any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, note or information, relating to the national defense, through gross negligence permits the same to be removed from its proper place of custody or delivered to anyone in violation of this trust or to be lost, stolen, abstracted, or destroyed, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than ten years and may, in addition thereto, be fined not more than ten thousand pesos. 

SECTION 2.   Unlawful disclosing information affecting national defense. — (a) Whoever, with the intent or reason to believe that it is to be used to the injury of the Philippines or to the advantage of a foreign nation, communicates, delivers, or transmits, or attempts to, or aids or induces another to, communicate, deliver, or transmit to any foreign government, or any faction or party or military or naval force within a foreign country, whether recognized or unrecognized by the Philippines or by the United States, or to any representative, officer, agent, employee, subject, or citizen thereof, either directly or indirectly, any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or information relating to the national defense, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years, if the offense is committed in time of peace, or by death or imprisonment for not more than thirty years, if it is in time of war.

b)        Whoever, in time of war with intent that the same shall be communicated to the enemy, shall collect, record, publish, or communicate, or attempt to elicit any information with respect to the movement, number, description, condition, or disposition of any of the armed forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the Philippines , or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed plans or conduct of any military, naval, or air operations, or with respect to any works or measures undertaken for or connected with, or intended for the fortification or defense of any place, or any other information relating to the public defense which might be useful to the enemy, shall be punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty years.

Disloyal acts in times of war or peace are likewise penalized:

SECTION 3.   Disloyal acts or works in time of peace. — It shall be unlawful for any person, with intent to interfere with, impair, or influence the loyalty, morale, or discipline of the military, naval, or air forces of the Philippines: (a) to advise, counsel, urge, or in any manner cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty by any member of the military, naval, or air forces of the Philippines; or (b) to distribute any written or printed matter which advises, counsels, or urges insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty by any member of the military, naval, or air forces of the Philippines . The violation of this section shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than ten years, or by fine not more than ten thousand pesos, or both.  

SECTION 4.   Disloyal acts or words in time of war. — Whoever, when the Philippines is at war, shall willfully make or convey false reports or false statements with the intent to interfere with the operation or success of the military, naval, or air forces of the Philippines or to promote the success of its enemies shall willfully cause or attempt to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military, naval, or air forces of the Philippines, or shall willfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment service of the Philippines, to the injury of the service of the Philippines, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years, or by a fine of not more than twenty thousand pesos, or both.

There can be a conspiracy to violate all the preceding sections if one or more persons do any act to effect the foregoing offenses in Section 1 to 4 (Section 5).  Those who harbor or conceal violators of the Act are likewise covered (Section 6).  When at a military camp, put away that camera as taking pictures of defensive installations is unlawful without the permission of the commanding officer (Section 8).  Taking such pictures from the air is also prohibited (Section 9). But what about satellite pictures? 

Assuming you did not take the pictures yourself, reproducing, selling or distribution such photographs is punishable (Section 10).  Destroying war material during wartime, making war material in a defective manner or injuring national defense material are all offenses (Sections 11- 13).

There appears to be a dearth of actual decided cases on espionage.  

 However, there is one case which mentions a Russian, Mr. Borovsky, who was made subject to deportation for espionage activities, among other things.  The Court held that pending deportation, the Government can hold an undesirable alien for a reasonable length of time.  The courts will step in only if the deportation being awaited  is a pretense for imprisonment or if he has been held for too long (BOROVSKY vs. THE COMMISSIONER OF IMMIGRATION, et al., G.R. No. L-2852, June 30, 1949).  The charge of espionage has been used before to justify detention during martial law (DUQUE vs. VINARAO, et al., G.R. No. L-40060.  March 21, 1975).  And the threat of espionage has been employed as basis to evacuate persons of Japanese ancestry and their internment until their loyalty was established (IN THE MATTER OF THE PETITION FOR HABEAS CORPUS OF BENIGNO S. AQUINO, JR., et al. vs. HON. JUAN PONCE ENRILE, et al., G.R. No. L-35538.  September 17, 1974 and companion cases citing Korematsu v. United States (323 U.S. 214 [244]). 

We have had our share of double agents.  In PEOPLE vs. DIMZON, [G.R. No. L-1565.  January 9, 1951], the accused was found guilty with the Court opining that if “deeds speak louder than words, there is good ground to believe that the accused was a collaborator first and foremost and a guerrilla last. Whereas his alleged contribution to the guerrilla cause was practically nil, his aid to the enemy was long-continued, effective, valuable and actually harmful to hid people. With this contrast in mind, the People's Court was not far wrong, if it was not wholly right, in finding that the accused merely followed the familiar of collaboration' stratagem of burning candles for both sides; and such scheme was perhaps deemed all the more alluring at the time the defendant made the motions of catering to the good will of some guerrillas, because then the American forces were winging their way back to the Philippines and the approach of the day of reckoning was not hard to visualize.”

B.P. Blg. 39 provides for the registration of foreign agents or “any person who acts or agrees to act as political consultant, public relations counsel, publicity agent, information representative, or as agent, servant, representative, or attorney for a foreign principal or for any domestic organization subsidized directly or indirectly in whole or in part by a foreign principal. xxx.”   It is not a license for agents to spy but it helps delineate the purpose of their business here.   And those not registered are then made suspect.



[1] As cited in Padilla, Criminal Law, Revised Penal Code Annotated, Book II (1976), p. 70, all references to the United States may be deemed repealed upon the inauguration of the Republic of the Philippines. This phrase was retained in this Section only for academic purposes. It has been deleted in the rest of the citation.
[2] This appears to be a typographical error.  Under Section 7, the President can, by proclamation, designated certain places as prohibited.

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Monday, July 19, 2010

Missing Ronaldinho and other necessary features of the World Cup

By Siesta-friendly

Dunga maybe to blame for the absence of Ronaldinho (and perhaps much of the fun and flair) at World Cup 2010 in South Africa.  But there are more serious aspects of football that should have been present at the 3rd World Cup of the 21st century.

Video and electronics technology

It’s used in the Olympics, grand slam tennis, streets, banks, convenience stores … why not in football?

In the words of FIFA (aka Sepp Blatter, the overlord of football) as of March 2010, here are the 5 main reasons why FIFA doesn’t want technology in football: [1]

  1. “The universality of the game: one of the main objectives of FIFA is to protect the universality of the game of association football. This means that the game must be played in the same way no matter where you are in the world. If you are coaching a group of teenagers in any small town around the world, they will be playing with the same rules as the professional players they see on TV.”
In other words, if players can dive left and right all over the world unseen by referees then the same should be allowed to happen as well at the World Cup.  How universally fair.

And so we have to suffer antics like Spain’s Fernando Torres’ below who, after being apparently clipped by his own foot stays, down long enough for the ref to see him and figure that the fall was due to a foul.  Since it was a “foul” in front of the penalty box, the ref deemed it worthy of a red card against Chile’s Marco Estrada.



Denying that there is a world of difference between football at World Cup level and football-on-the-streets level makes no sense. The quality of play at the World Cup is not the same as on any other level (even the famed Spanish Primera Liga, Italy’s Serie A or the English Premier League); the size of the pitch is not the same for all levels of football; even FIFA acknowledges that the World Cup is a big deal by having countries from all over the world compete against each other, by opening bids for countries to host the event, soliciting multinationals to bid for multi-billion dollar franchise rights, allowing it to happen only once every four years and requiring a newly created world cup ball each time.  Do any of these happen at the local level? Is there a trophy locked inside a customized Louis Vuitton case for each tournament played around the world?

  1. “The human aspect: no matter which technology is applied, at the end of the day a decision will have to be taken by a human being.”
If there is a way to have accurate and clear officiating, who cares if the referee becomes redundant?

  1. “The financial aspect: the application of modern technologies can be very costly, and therefore not applicable on a global level.”
FIFA’s concern about money for the game seems hypocritical after inaugurating this year its $196M new headquarters in Zurich.  FIFA can find funds for a new headquarters with “five underground levels, a fitness centre, meditation room, geographically themed parks and a full-size international football pitch” but shoots down proposals to raise the quality of the officiating (and consequently, the game) for lack of funds.

FIFA can give any organization (or country) a complete course on how to earn billions from media and product franchising.  It is hard to believe it cannot overcome any funding problems especially if it is for the development of the game.

    Credit: http://www.africancrisis.co.za/images/Cartoon_Zapiro_2010_FIFA_World_Cup_South_Africa.gif
  1. “The extended use of technology: the question has already been raised: if the IFAB had approved goal-line technology, what would prevent the approval of technology for other aspects of the game? Every decision in every area of the pitch would soon be questioned.” 
Fair play should be achieved not just at the goal line but everywhere on the pitch the game is played. Technology to spot dives, handballs and other infractions helps complete the essence of fair play.

Like the officials during the Argentina-Mexico match, goal-line technology would also not have detected Argentinian Carlos Tevez’s offside position just before his goal against Mexico.

Credit: Worldcupblog.org http://www.worldcupblog.org/world-cup-2010/carlos-tevez-offside-goal-vs-mexico.html

  1. The nature of the game: association football is a dynamic game that cannot be stopped in order to review a decision. If play were to be stopped to take a decision, it would break up the rhythm of the game and possibly deny a team the opportunity to score a goal. It would also not make sense to stop play every two minutes to review a decision, as this would go against the natural dynamism of the game."
On the contrary, a lot of players’ acting that delays the game will be avoided if they knew their faking or sneaky actions could merit them a yellow or red card once found out via instant replay.

Had appeal for video replay been allowed Brazil for the red card given to Kaka, the officials would have seen that Kaka’s warding off Ivory Coast’s Kader Keita  on the latter’s chest was not the vicious facial attack that Keita faked it was.


There’s too much at stake at the World Cup that much care and attention should be given to count every legal goal and every infraction made.  One can’t help imagining FIFA focusing more on refining media and merchandising franchises for the good of FIFA than on refining the game’s rules for the good of the sport.

Additional referees

The 3 officials looking after the play on the pitch have to see everything occurring between 22 players in an area between 90-120 meters long and 45-90 meters wide.  3 officials have long been insufficient except only to FIFA.  At the very least, there should be additional officials posted near each goal post where most of the action occurs and remain unseen by the 3 officials. 

Much of that pushing and tugging would be prevented by the additional goal post referee.  There have been many handballs, dives and goals that were not seen by the 3 officials in this 2010 world cup alone.

There’s the now famous double handball by Brazil’s Luis Fabiano just before he kicked the ball into Ivory Coast’s net, totally unseen by any official.



It seems impossible that the officials missed seeing Frank Lampard’s goal against Germany (as the ball hit the top bar then the ground then the top bar again then back out into the pitch) but that’s exactly what happened.  A goal post official would likely have seen and counted the possible game-changing goal.  Goal-line technology could have also helped.

Goaltending

The rule in basketball of counting the point as if the ball went in when the ball is interfered with on its obvious way into the basket should be allowed to apply in football. Take the case of Uruguayan Luis Suarez during the match between Ghana and Uruguay when he knowingly and illegally used his hands to block the clear shot-on-goal by Dominic Adiyiah during the dying seconds of the match.  Sending off Suarez and allowing a penalty kick instead of conceding the goal point was unfair.  To top if off, Mr Suarez was proud to have done what he did as the denied goal allowed Uruguay to advance to the next round (while eliminating Ghana).  The lack of a goaltending rule condones cheating as well as pride in cheating.

Traditional ball
  
Another example of FIFA’s hypocritical attitude is having a newly-designed ball for each world cup while continuing to cite universality in football (“that the game must be played in the same way no matter where you are in the world.”)  Who plays with the Jabulani at the local level? 

And why introduce a new ball a mere 6 months prior to the tournament?  Use of the ball during the almost 3-year qualification process would have at least helped the players truly get used to it especially since criticisms about the ball have been heard from strikers and keepers and even NASA. 

The knuckle ball effect produced by the lightweight, uniquely round and speedy Jabulani may have caused the low goal tally of 145 goals in 64 matches or an average of 2.27 per game, the second worst ever after 2.21 in Italy in 1990.

At the end of the world cup, it wasn’t who played or didn’t play which got most people talking. Next to Spain’s win and a certain mollusk’s accuracy, the poor officiating marked the event like never before. Insuring fairness is, pardon the pun, a goal worth working for in the World Cup.



[1]  "FIFA’s position on technology in football". (2010, March 11). Retrieved from http://www.fifa.com/aboutfifa/federation/president/presidentialcolumn/news/newsid=1179851.html#fifas+position+technology+football

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